Content
- Introduction
- Background to the 1974 Cyprus conflict
- Detailed consideration of the development of the conflict
- Ottoman rule
- The struggle for independence
- An independent United Cyprus
- Divided Cyprus
- Conflict resolution options
- Conclusion
The topic of this article is incredibly interesting, but also incredibly complex. It is difficult both to study the events of the Cyprus conflict in 1974 (since it is difficult to find data on the background of these events, a minimum of documentary information, a minimum of information from the local population), and to comprehend and evaluate these events (since common cliches among those living in Cyprus (I mean not only the indigenous population) do not contribute to an objective understanding this tragedy). In addition, this topic, unfortunately, forms public opinion, which often leads to aggressive social sentiments. And political players sometimes actively use it for speculative purposes. Therefore, in no case did I engage in denunciation and accusations, but simply tried to comprehensively and objectively investigate all the sources that I could find.
Anyone who has been at least a little interested in the structure of Cyprus knows that this island is divided into a “southern” and a “northern” part as a result of the military conflict. From any available sources, we learn that the military actions in 1974 resulted in the loss of territories and property, forced displacement, human rights violations and, most horrifically, human casualties for many Cypriots. In general, what is commonly called a humanitarian disaster has happened. Why did these events happen? Let’s try to make a clear picture:
The actual political structure of Cyprus. Image source: wikipedia.org
Background to the 1974 Cyprus conflict
1. Complex inter-communal sentiments
The Turks began to settle on the island of Cyprus about 500 years ago — after the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire in 1571. It was then that the foundation of a bipolar society began to be laid, consisting of Greek Cypriots (indigenous people) and Turkish Cypriots (Turks settled in Cyprus). And although Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots subsequently coexisted peacefully for centuries, they did not succeed in becoming one people due to the state policy of preference for the Muslim population.
2. The lack of a common national idea
Since the beginning of the Ottoman period, the ideologies held by the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities have differed. After the Second World War, society became even more divided. If the Greek Cypriots, with the support of Greece, adhered to the idea of ENOSIS (Greek: Ένωσις ), which implied the annexation of Cyprus to Greece (96% of the Greek Cypriot population voted for joining Greece in 1950), then the Turkish Cypriots promoted the idea of TAKSIM – the division of the island into two independent states.
3. External interference
Starting in 1878, Cyprus became a de facto colony of Great Britain. English rule did not change the ideological disunity of society. Moreover, the British administration used this disunity for its own purposes. For example, during the struggle of the Cypriots for independence, the communities were actually pitted against each other: to suppress the discontent of the Greek Cypriots, the British administration formed a “reserve” police of Turkish Cypriots. In the 1950 plebiscite, 96% of the Greek Cypriot population voted to join Greece (Turkish Cypriots boycotted the plebiscite). England did not recognize the results, which provoked the strengthening of the independence movement in Cyprus.
In 1960, Cyprus gained independence from Great Britain, but Great Britain, Greece and Turkey reserved the right to interfere in the internal affairs of the state of Cyprus. Greece and Turkey received the right to keep their contingents of troops on the island. England has retained its military bases in Cyprus on the territory of 99 square miles, and has also secured the right to use the territorial waters and airspace of Cyprus for military purposes. This procedure was established by the so-called Zurich-London Agreements of 1959, preceding the proclamation of the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus (concluded by the Prime Ministers of Greece, Turkey, Great Britain and representatives of the Greek and Turkish communities of Cyprus).
Political satire: Mr. Eden to Archbishop Makarius: “Your constitution is ready, sir!” Author: cartoonist Phokion Dimitriades
Greece She not only supported the Greek Cypriot population in promoting the idea of ENOSIS, but also actively participated in the movement for the independence of Cyprus from Great Britain. The nationalist partisan organization that carried out this activity (term. Wikipedia.org ) The EOKA organization was headed by the Greek Colonel Georgios Grivas. EOKA fighters actively participated in combat clashes and sabotage against British forces. EOKA-B is a terrorist (term. Wikipedia.org ) the organization, established in 1971 and supported by the regime of the “black colonels” in Greece, attempted a coup on July 15, 1974. This event, by the way, according to the Turkish side, created the prerequisites for the invasion of the island by the Turkish army (as a response). The terrorist activities of the EOKA-B organization and its crimes against the Turkish Cypriot population are a dangerous topic and accompanied by violent disputes, I will not develop it in this article. There are a number of publications about investigations conducted by international organizations — they can be found freely available on the Web.
The storming of the Presidential Palace by EOKA-B militants, 1974
Turkey, as a guarantor country and under the pretext of protecting the Turkish-Greek population, on July 20, 1974, landed troops on the territory of Cyprus and subsequently captured 37% of the island’s territory within 28 days. This was followed by the formation of the TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus) with the support of Turkey. Turkey is the only country that has recognized the State of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
The United States acted as a mediator to resolve the interethnic clashes that broke out in Cyprus in 1964 and 1967, which could result in Turkish intervention. In fact, the United States prevented the Turkish invasion in 1964 and 1967. However, in 1974, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger supported the invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish army.
The landing of the Turkish troops in the area of Kyrenia, 1974
4. Advantageous strategic location
The island of Cyprus has been and remains a tasty morsel for major global geopolitical players due to its geographical location: between the west and the east, Asia, Africa and Europe. This was relevant in the Middle Ages for conducting trade and military-political control of the territory, and now, taking into account the conflicts in the Middle East.
Next, we will look in detail at the history of the emergence of these prerequisites:
Detailed consideration of the development of the conflict
The Conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman rule 1571-1878 (officially before 1914)
From the 14th to the 17th centuries, the Ottoman Empire waged quite successful wars of conquest, which allowed it to develop significant territories in Africa, Asia and Europe. In 1570, the Ottomans, led by Sultan Selim II, landed in Cyprus, which at that time belonged to the Republic of Venice. Larnaca, Nicosia, Kyrenia and other cities fell pretty quickly. Famagusta turned out to be an impregnable fortress — the siege of Famagusta lasted 11 months. In the end, the city was surrendered by the Venetians under guarantees of saving the lives of the remaining defenders of the city and returning them home. However, the Ottomans did not keep their words, all the defenders of the fortress were executed. So in 1571, Cyprus was completely under the rule of the Ottoman Empire.
Since the island’s population had greatly decreased as a result of the wars, Selim II ordered the relocation of about 20,000 Turks to the island (they became the first Turkish Cypriots). To stimulate the resettlement process, land plots were allocated to the Turks.
The non-Muslim Cypriot population in the Ottoman Empire was significantly deprived of their rights in order to accelerate their conversion to Islam. They were considered citizens of the empire, but their testimony against the Turks was not taken into account in court, they were heavily taxed, had no right to own weapons, build houses higher than Muslim ones, could not settle in certain areas of the city (see Varosha), etc. One can also mention the specific Jizya tax, which was levied on non-Muslims and actually meant a fee for saving the lives and protecting non-Muslims from external and internal enemies.
Unlike in Crete, where the majority of the population converted to Islam, in Cyprus these oppressions only contributed to uniting Christians around Orthodox spiritual leaders. In such circumstances, the situation was such that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots had virtually separate governing bodies, which did not contribute to assimilation and only increased the division of society.
In 1830, after a long national liberation war (1821-1829), Greece gained independence from the Ottoman Empire. As a result of this war, the idea of ENOSIS, a movement for the reunification of Greek—speaking Christian regions with independent mainland Greece, is actively developing. Subsequently, the Ionian Islands (1864) and the island of Crete (1912-1913) joined Greece.
Greece’s struggle for independence has inspired the Greek Cypriot population of the island. Archbishop Cyprian not only supported the Greeks in their struggle, but also provided assistance with money and food, some Cypriots went to the mainland to help the Greek brothers. The Turkish governor of Cyprus, Kucuk Mehmet, found out about this conspiracy. On July 9, 1821, he gathered the highest Orthodox clergy and noble Greek Cypriots in Nicosia and staged a public massacre. 470 people were hanged or beheaded. From July 9 to 14, a wave of repression swept across the island, about 10 thousand civilians were killed, monasteries were looted, and the property of the conspirators was confiscated. As a result, Cyprus remained part of the Ottoman Empire.
The population of Cyprus at the end of the Ottoman rule was 186 thousand people, of which 73.9% were Greek Cypriots (137,631) and 24.4% Turkish Cypriots (45,458).
Cyprus was a colony of Great Britain (1878 (1914) – 1960). The struggle for the independence of Cyprus
Cyprus came to the attention of Great Britain in 1869, after the restoration of the Suez Canal, the shortest route from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean Sea. And, being interested in establishing control over the canal, Great Britain did not miss the opportunity to take advantage of Turkey’s weakening after its defeat in the next Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878).
In 1878, according to a secret treaty, Cyprus came under the control of Great Britain in exchange for Britain’s promise of assistance to Turkey in the confrontation with the Russian Empire. In 1914, after Turkey entered the First World War on the side of Germany, Great Britain terminated the agreement and annexed Cyprus. For the Greek Cypriots, Ottoman rule was replaced by British occupation.
In 1931, an uprising broke out in Cyprus — the Greek Cypriots demanded unification with Greece. The uprising is being harshly suppressed by the forces of the “reserve police”, recruited from Turkish Cypriots. Already difficult inter-communal relations are being escalated.
In the Second World War, the Cypriots bravely fought on the side of Great Britain, and after the victory they count on independence and the practical implementation of the idea of ENOSIS. In 1950, a plebiscite was held in Cypriot Orthodox churches, at which 96% of the population voted for the annexation of Cyprus to Greece (the Turkish population of Cyprus boycotted the referendum). Britain does not recognize the results of the referendum. The Turkish population is opposed to unification with Greece.
With financial and informational support, an underground organization of Greek Cypriots, EOKA, is being created in Greece, the purpose of the organization is the independence of Cyprus from Great Britain and unification with Greece. The EOKA is headed by Georgios Grivas, a native of Cyprus and an active Greek colonel.
Speech by Colonel G. Grivas in Cyprus in 1971 (on the left in the photo — President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Makarius III)
In 1954, Britain decided to move the Suez military headquarters, the headquarters of the British commander—in-chief in the Middle East, to Cyprus.
On April 1, 1955, the movement (war) for the liberation of Cyprus begins with a series of terrorist attacks (now April 1 is a national holiday in the Republic of Cyprus). The main enemy is the British military and administration, but Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots loyal to the British also get it. The British declare a state of emergency and increase the military contingent. The clergy and the common people of Cyprus support EOKA.
In 1957, with the participation of Turkey, the Turkish Cypriot fighting organization TMT was created, advocating the partition of Cyprus (TAKSIM). Since EOKA is the main headache of the British at this time, the Turkish Cypriots are supported by the British as a possible ally.
In 1959, the process of decolonization of Cyprus began. Cyprus gained independence in 1960.
As a result of the national liberation war, according to various estimates, 250 people from the EOKA, 104 British soldiers, 51 policemen (of different nationalities) and about 200 civilians were killed.
Independent United Cyprus (1960-1974)
Cyprus is gaining its long-awaited independence, but with many reservations (the Zurich-London agreements, which I wrote about above):
The population is divided into Greek and Turkish self-governing communities. And if the ratio of Greeks to Turks is 77% to 18%, then the state apparatus has an ethnic quota of Turks of 30%, and in the army 40% (which caused discontent on both sides and was not fulfilled in practice). The President of Cyprus can only be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-president is a Turkish Cypriot, and both have the right of veto (which made any decision difficult for them). The division of municipalities into communities provided for by the Constitution was not carried out
In addition, Greece and Turkey introduced a limited contingent of troops to the island, as guarantors of security and compliance with the Constitution, and the British completely reserved 2.8% of the territory of Cyprus for military needs. The Constitution of Cyprus by the guarantor countries prescribes the impossibility of making any amendments to these provisions!
The main contradiction, again, was the desire of the Greek Cypriot population for enosis, and the Turkish Cypriot population for separation.
In 1963, the President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarius III, proposed amendments to the Constitution, since the current order blocks any decisions. In particular, the abolition of the right of veto, changes in government quotas, the creation of unified municipalities and a unified judicial system. Turkish Cypriots categorically reject the proposed changes, as a result of which inter-communal tensions are growing. After two relatively peaceful years, relations between the two communities are deteriorating sharply.
December 20-25, 1963 — Bloody Christmas.
On the night of January 20-21, Greek police in Nicosia stopped a Turkish Cypriot car to check documents. The Greek Cypriots tried to search the women in the car, the driver stood up for them, a conflict ensued, followed by shooting. As a result of the quarrel, two Turks were killed and 8 people on both sides were injured.
The incident led to protests from the Turkish Cypriots (TMT) – by the evening of December 22, an armed conflict broke out in Nicosia: cars with armed Greek Cypriots driving around the streets, firing indiscriminately; Turkish snipers fired from minarets and the roof of the Saray hotel. The riots spread to the suburbs of Nicosia and Larnaca.
While Makarios III was unsuccessfully negotiating a ceasefire with representatives of the Turkish community, the Greek grouping of troops on the island, under the command of Nikos Sampson, became more active. Sampson’s squad carried out a massacre in Omorphite (a suburb of Nicosia), killing Turks indiscriminately; later, Turkish houses in the mixed villages of Matiatis and Agios Vasilios were attacked.
A shot from the documentary: the expulsion of Turkish Cypriots from their native village by the Greek military under the leadership of N. Sampson, 1964
On December 24, armed Greeks attacked the house of Turkish military doctor Nihat Ilhan, the doctor’s wife and three young children were shot in the bathroom, where they were hiding from the attackers. Now in this house, in the northern part of Nicosia, there is a Museum of Barbarism dedicated to the tragic events of Bloody Christmas.
Although the ceasefire agreement was signed by representatives of Great Britain, Greece and Turkey on December 27, 1963, and the Agreement on the Green Line (demarcation Line) on December 30, 1963, fighting continued until August 1964.
In March 1964, the UN armed forces entered the island to protect civilians and stop the conflict. It was at this time that checkpoints appeared between the northern “Turkish” and southern “Greek” parts of the island, the demarcation passes through Nicosia, separating the traditionally Turkish and Greek quarters. The Turkish population from the mixed southern villages and towns is moving en masse to the northern part, which is under the protection of Turkish troops.
According to official data, 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the 1963-1964 conflict; according to various sources, 25 to 30 thousand Turkish Cypriots from 103 settlements (more than a quarter of the Turkish population of the island) fled the conflict, abandoning their homes.
After the Second World War, the world enters the Cold War phase — the world is being redefined, countries are fighting for influence in strategically important regions. Thus, the countries of the “first world”, primarily the United States and Great Britain, oppose the “communist threat” in Europe and the Middle East. Cyprus falls into their area of interest. If Turkey and Turkish Cypriots gravitate towards US politics, then Greece and southern Cyprus have a large proportion of pro-communist government members.
Archbishop Makarius III (President of the Republic of Cyprus from 1960 to 1977) on a visit to the USSR, Moscow
On April 21, 1967, in Greece, as a result of a coup d’etat (the so-called dictatorship of the “black colonels”), the far-right military junta came to power. A small group of army officers seized power in the country in a few hours and without a single shot being fired. According to pre-compiled lists, 10,000 political activists were arrested within 5 hours, some of them were tortured and shot.
The coup in Greece also reverberated in Cyprus — Greek militants attacked Turkish areas in the southern part of the island. The Turkish Cypriots formed the interim Turkish administration and declared non-recognition of all laws issued since 1963.
In 1971, with the support of the Greek regime of the “black colonels” and the CIA, the fighting organization EOKA-B was formed in Cyprus (recognized as a terrorist organization), also headed by Colonel Grivas. The radical organization was supposed to counteract the policy of Macarius III (supported by the Communist Party of Cyprus, the strongest on the island, and the USSR) and his rejection of the idea of unification with Greece. The former allies in the fight against the colonialist British government became irreconcilable enemies. EOKA-B made several attempts on the current President of Cyprus, Makarius III, and as a result of the 1974 coup, removed him from power, which was the reason for the Turkish invasion. Some details of these events:
On July 1, 1974, the Cypriot government decided to remove Greek officers from command of the National Guard of Cyprus. Macarius III bluntly accused the Greek military government of conspiracy. Already on July 11-13, Greece responded to the accusation — during a two-day meeting, it was decided to initiate a coup in Cyprus.
On July 15, 1974, officers of the Cypriot National Guard staged a coup d’etat on the direct order of the Greek military government. The presidential palace was captured, the rebels announced the death of the President of Cyprus, Macarius III (which was not true). Nikos Sampson, one of the leaders of EOKA-B, was announced as the new president. At the end of the day, Makarius, who managed to escape to Paphos, denied information about his death. On July 16, Makarius requested evacuation from the UN peacekeeping forces in Cyprus and was taken to London and then to the United States.
On July 19, the Foreign Minister from the new Sampson government met with the U.S. Ambassador to Cyprus, probably it was about initiating U.S. recognition of the new government. As a result, the United States refused to condemn the coup in Cyprus, which served as the last impetus for the introduction of troops by Turkey.
A political satire on the events of 1974 in Cyprus. Vintage Postcard Distributor: Mary L. Martin Ltd.
On July 20, 1974, under the pretext of restoring constitutional authority and protecting the Turkish population of Cyprus, Turkey sent troops to Cyprus — Operation Atilla began. In the early morning, a naval landing was landed 8 km west of Kyrenia, an air landing at Nicosia airport and south of Kyrenia; the Turkish navy blocked the ports of Limassol and Paphos to prevent the landing of Greek military aid. Taking into account the two waves of Turkish intervention, the fighting stopped on August 18.
The result of the Turkish invasion was the actual division of the island into two parts — the Republic of Cyprus (“southern” or “Greek” Cyprus, 57.6% of the island’s territory) and Northern Cyprus (today the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus; 36% of the territory). In the southern part of the island, power passed to the legitimate president, Archbishop Makarius III.
Cyprus was divided not only geographically, but also ethnically: according to the UN, about 198,000 Greek Cypriots and 37,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced in 1974-1975.
During the two months of Operation Atilla, the losses of the parties amounted to: On the part of Cyprus, 309 people died; Greek Armed Forces — 88 killed, 83 missing; Turkish Cypriots – 70 dead; Turkish Armed Forces – 498 dead. Between 2,000 and 3,000 civilians are missing.
Divided Cyprus (1974 – present day)
The division of the island, which began back in 1964, was finally consolidated. There is a buffer zone between the southern Greek and northern Turkish parts of Cyprus — the “green line”, guarded by UN troops. Movement across the “green line” was practically stopped. By an “amazing coincidence”, the main airport of Cyprus (Nicosia district) fell into the buffer zone, the most popular tourist cluster on the island — Varosha — was blocked, and the population was forcibly evicted. Tourism in Cyprus has been virtually destroyed.
Due to forced relocation, about 70% of farmland was abandoned, the largest commercial port of Famagusta Island was on Turkish territory and completely dropped out of European trade. About a third! The island’s population has been relocated — they have lost both housing and jobs.
Talks about the unification of the island have been conducted since 1974, but to no avail.
In 1975, the Turkish Federal State of Northern Cyprus was self-proclaimed. On the part of the Turkish part of Cyprus, unification into a federal state was supposed, but this option was not accepted by either the Republic of Cyprus or the world community.
In 1983, after 8 years of unsuccessful negotiations, northern Cyprus declared its independence — the new state of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) was formed. To date, this is a partially recognized state — only Turkey has recognized its independence. Despite the non-recognition of the TRNC by the world community, there are representative offices in the northern capital of a number of countries, including the USA, Germany, Great Britain, France, Australia, etc.
The symbol of the TRNC is a flag monument (at the same time a memorial) built on the slope of the Cyrenian ridge. The length of the flag is 426m
In 2003, for the first time in 29 years of complete isolation, the first checkpoint in the buffer zone was opened, in 2007 a part of the wall separating the capital (checkpoint on Ledra Street) was dismantled in Nicosia. Today, you can get from the southern part to the northern one through 11 checkpoints.
In 2004, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan proposed a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue (the so-called “Annan Plan”). The plan envisaged the creation of a single state from two autonomous republics, a slight reduction in the territory of the “Turkish” part of the island and the return of 85,000 Greek Cypriots to their homes (mainly in the Famagusta area). 75% of the Greek population rejected the plan.
In the same year 2004, the Republic of Cyprus became a member of the European Union, as the only legal representative of the island (although it controls only the southern territories). Turkish Cypriots are officially considered residents of the EU, although they live in an area not controlled by an EU member state. Kazakhstan’s accession to the EU had a negative impact on progress in resolving the Cyprus issue: the EU lost its main lever of pressure on the Greek Cypriots (initially, resolving the conflict was a condition for joining the union) and lost the trust of the Turkish Cypriots (who took a course towards rapprochement with Turkey). The Republic of Kazakhstan used its veto power in the EU vote on Turkey’s accession to the union, as well as on the development of trade and economic relations with the Turkish community of Cyprus.
The city of Nicosia (the divided capital of Cyprus). View from a high-rise building located in the southern part of the city to the northern part (TRNC). Our days.
The Republic of Cyprus has signed the Schengen Agreement, but is not a full member of the Schengen Agreement (they recognize, but do not issue Schengen visas, border controls have not been canceled). To remove the restrictions, it is necessary to unite the island or establish a strict border regime with the TRNC.
Since 2004, the solution of the “Cyprus issue” has become the national idea of Cyprus, replacing enosis (unification with Greece formally took place within the EU). Politicians who advocate a solution to the issue are coming to power in both the Greek and Turkish parts of the island. Quite active negotiations are underway.
In 2014, negotiations are halted due to another, this time “gas” conflict: Cyprus has started developing a gas field in its maritime exclusive economic zone. Turkey, which considers it impossible to develop gas fields in the Mediterranean Sea without taking into account the interests of Turkey and the Turkish community of Cyprus, brought warships to the development site and forced the workers to leave. In 2019, Turkey started drilling a well off the coast of Karpas (TRNC). The EU has condemned, imposed sanctions, etc.
Meanwhile, despite the external intransigence, the divided parts of the island are quite actively interacting with each other.
Thus, the trade turnover between Northern and southern Cyprus increased from 470,000 euros (2004) to 88 million euros (2022). An excellent example of mutual assistance in the field of housing and communal services: in 2006, an accident occurred at a power plant in the TRNC, the authorities of the Turkish community turned to the Republic of Kazakhstan for help and immediately received it. And in the summer of 2011, at the height of the tourist season, an explosion disabled the largest power plant in southern Cyprus (near Mari, between Larnaca and Limassol), the explosion led to disruptions in the operation of the airports of Paphos and Larnaca, as well as to the de-energization of a significant part of the territory, in particular the tourist sites of Limassol and Larnaca. Northern Cyprus immediately came to the rescue and established the supply of electricity to the south. Cooperation in the field of electricity supply continues to this day.
What can we say about ordinary residents of the island — 11 checkpoints on the “green line” are crossed daily by thousands of Cypriots in both directions. Southerners go to Northern Cyprus to fill up their cars with cheaper gasoline, go shopping, even on vacation. Turkish Cypriots come to work and for medical services.
Conflict resolution options
Hypothetically, different options can be implemented to resolve the “Cyprus issue”. But in my opinion, the following are realistic:
1. The unification of the island into a federal or republican state with separate administration. It is this option that the EU is leaning towards, offering various plans.
The main difficulties of this path are:
— material claims of Greek Cypriots displaced from the territory of Northern Cyprus who lost their homes and farms. Even if they return their houses today, this will not solve the problem — many buildings have been destroyed and cannot be repaired (Varosha, for example), Turks live in some houses. The issue requires a lot of funding.
— the issue of security concerns many local residents. Currently, security along the line of contact is provided by UN peacekeepers. If we remove the deterrent force, will there be new inter-communal conflicts?
2. The division of the island into two independent states, recognized by the international community.
In this case, the following points are unsolvable:
— the material claims of the Greek Cypriots can only be satisfied financially, and Northern Cyprus does not have such money.
— Turkey does not recognize some of the powers of the administration of the Republic of Cyprus; the EU and the ROK do not recognize Northern Cyprus, the ROK vetoes issues of assistance to the TRNC, the issue of Turkey’s accession to the EU, Turkey, in turn, blocks the actions of the ROK (such as, for example, the development of a gas field in disputed waters). Mutual non—recognition is not a legal issue, but a political tool that no one is going to let go of.
Conclusion
The common political will of the Governments of the Republic of Cyprus, the EU and Turkey is needed to resolve the “Cyprus issue”. To date, it seems that there is no such will.
Time is doing its job, people are adapting to the realities. Discussing the problems of the Cyprus conflict with the inhabitants of the island, both in the southern and northern parts, it begins to seem to me that the current state suits almost everyone (with the exception of a small number of young Turkish Cypriots who dream of full integration into the EU, and a small number of patriotic middle-aged people who are not familiar with all the details events that took place from 1963 to 1974).
The direct participants in the tragic events of 1974, who still remember how things were before the division of the island, are increasingly inclined to “a bad peace instead of a good war.” The youth of Greek Cyprus has integrated into the EU. The TRNC is not isolated from the rest of the world, it receives assistance from both Turkey and the EU. The UK maintains its military bases on the island. The real estate market of the TRNC is actively developing, among other things, due to the fact that schemes of alienation of their property (land plots, houses) by Greek Cypriots from among refugees in favor of realtors and investors of the TRNC are becoming more widespread. Such transactions are even encouraged by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, as they prevent Greek Cypriots from losing their property in the northern part of the island. There is an appearance in this picture of people agreeing with the current “stability” at the moment.
Additional materials
- Documentary film Atilla 1974
- The Turkish version of a Bloody Christmas
- Is it possible to solve the Cyprus problem?
English 
Russian 
German 
Polish